Page 58 of Sacred Hearts


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“I never agreed to—” Antonelli starts.

“You needn’t agree to anything,” Visconti cuts in. “Merely continue supporting our public opposition. The rest can be handled discreetly by my associates.”

“The doctor who performed his pre-conclave examination is sympathetic to our cause,” Lombardi continues. “He’s prepared to testify to certain… concerning findings… should they become relevant. And should more direct intervention become necessary, there are compounds that leave no trace, unlike what was used with Adessi. Cardinal Antonelli, you need not concern yourself with these details.”

“What of his supporters?” Antonelli asks, seemingly unwilling to pursue the darker implications.

“Cardinal Sullivan is a problem,” Visconti acknowledges. “But he’s isolated among the Europeans. Archbishop Chen’s Asian coalition is being handled—we’ve already redirected funding from their missionary efforts to more traditional dioceses. Economic pressure works wonders in developing regions.”

“And if the Pope contacts media outlets directly?” Antonelli persists.

“We’ve secured the communications channels,” Lombardi says with confidence. “Father Rossi in the communications office reports to me first. Any statement from the Pope will be ‘clarified’ before release. We’ve also placed sympathetic security personnel in his detail who report on his movements and contacts.”

“The Swiss Guard—” Antonelli begins.

“Captain Lombardi remains loyal to the Pope,” Visconti concedes. “But his deputy has family in Naples with significant debts to certain organizations. His cooperation can be assured, I’m certain of it.”

Their footsteps fade down the corridor. I remain frozen, my heart pounding. Their words confirm what I’ve suspected—this isn’tmere resistance but coordinated sabotage. The “contingency plan” is far worse than I imagined—not just forcing my resignation but contemplating my murder. The systematic isolation, the infiltration of my security, the control of communications—this is a coup in the making.

I return to my desk, trying to steady my breathing. The morning sunlight no longer feels warm. Instead, it exposes my vulnerability, illuminating dust particles that swirl like the conspiracies forming around me.

A knock at the door interrupts my thoughts.

“Enter,” I call, composing myself.

Cardinal Sullivan steps in, his face grave. He’s aged visibly in the weeks since I announced the synod.

“Your Holiness,” he begins, then drops the formality when I gesture. “Marco, I’ve spent the morning speaking with bishops from across Europe. The resistance is… substantial.”

“Tell me,” I say, gesturing to the chair across from me.

“Nearly forty percent of the European bishops have signed a letter expressing ‘grave concerns’ about the synod’s topics. They’re questioning not just the theological basis but your authority to call such a discussion.” He hands me the document. “They’ve been coordinating their response through Cardinal Lombardi’s office.”

I scan the signatures. Many expected names, but some surprises—bishops I’d counted as moderates.

“They’re being pressured,” Sullivan says, reading my expression. “Several have contacted me privately to explain their position. They’re afraid, Marco. The old guard is threatening everything from funding cuts to revelations of past indiscretions.”

“Blackmail,” I say flatly.

“The genteel Vatican version, yes.” Sullivan rubs his forehead.

“Tell me about these media allies Lombardi mentioned,” I say onceI’ve related what I overheard.

Sullivan grimaces. “It’s extensive. L’Osservatore Romano is compromised—the editor was appointed by Benedict and answers to Lombardi. They’ve subtly altered your statements in the official transcripts, softening your reform language and emphasizing traditional elements out of context.”

“I’ve noticed the discrepancies,” I admit.

“Beyond Vatican media, they’ve cultivated relationships with Catholic publications worldwide. The Catholic Herald in Britain, The Tablet, National Catholic Reporter in America—all have published opinion pieces questioning your theological qualifications.” Sullivan pulls out a tablet and shows me a spreadsheet. “My staff has been tracking the coverage. Sixty-eight percent of Catholic media outlets have published at least one negative article about your leadership in the past month.”

“And mainstream media?”

“More complex. RAI in Italy has several producers with ties to Opus Dei who control religious coverage. They’ve been particularly effective at framing your youth as inexperience rather than bringing fresh perspective.” Sullivan scrolls through his data. “In America, certain cable networks are portraying you as a dangerous radical. The European press is more balanced, but even there, sources close to the Vatican—meaning Lombardi’s office—are quoted expressing ‘concerns about the Pope’s understanding of Church tradition.’”

“Social media?”

“That’s where it’s most coordinated. We’ve identified at least twelve ‘Catholic truth’ accounts with millions of followers that launched simultaneously three weeks ago. They appear independent but use identical talking points. Their content gets amplified by established conservative Catholic influencers.” Sullivan looks grim. “They’re creating an alternative narrative where you’re an illegitimate popepushing a secular agenda.”

“And our counter-strategy?”